Working Class – Premudraja http://premudraja.net/ Mon, 26 Sep 2022 14:00:13 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=5.9.3 https://premudraja.net/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/icon-4-150x150.png Working Class – Premudraja http://premudraja.net/ 32 32 Adam Laxalt Can’t Be Trusted to Defend Access to Health Care https://premudraja.net/adam-laxalt-cant-be-trusted-to-defend-access-to-health-care/ Mon, 26 Sep 2022 14:00:13 +0000 https://premudraja.net/adam-laxalt-cant-be-trusted-to-defend-access-to-health-care/ This opinion column was submitted by Amber Falgout, Northern Nevada Manager for Battle Born Progress. Subject: “I am pro-choice and I vote for Republican Adam Laxalt”, September 23: I am a pro-choice woman and would rather walk through a field of broken glass than risk voting for Adam Laxalt for the US Senate in November. […]]]>

This opinion column was submitted by Amber Falgout, Northern Nevada Manager for Battle Born Progress.

Subject: “I am pro-choice and I vote for Republican Adam Laxalt”, September 23:

I am a pro-choice woman and would rather walk through a field of broken glass than risk voting for Adam Laxalt for the US Senate in November. Why? Because Adam Laxalt has made a career out of being (among other things) an extreme anti-abortion politician who puts his personal beliefs above the will and well-being of the people of Nevada.

Casino magnate Cindy Carano wrote a recent opinion column published in the Reno Gazette-Journal that probably seemed out of touch to many in northern Nevada who don’t have the wealth, privilege or class status that she has. After all, not all of us can be heirs to a huge international hotel conglomerate like Eldorado Resorts. Carano herself was once executive director of hotel operations for Reno Eldorado Resorts, part of the company that recently purchased Caesars Entertainment Company, expanding the vast casino empire even further.

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‘Through this brutality, the Sri Lankan government is imposing the burdens of the IMF on the people’: Support grows for SEP meeting against state repression https://premudraja.net/through-this-brutality-the-sri-lankan-government-is-imposing-the-burdens-of-the-imf-on-the-people-support-grows-for-sep-meeting-against-state-repression/ Fri, 23 Sep 2022 23:57:40 +0000 https://premudraja.net/through-this-brutality-the-sri-lankan-government-is-imposing-the-burdens-of-the-imf-on-the-people-support-grows-for-sep-meeting-against-state-repression/ The Socialist Equality Party (Sri Lanka) has received many comments supporting the online meeting it is organizing this Sunday with the International Youth and Students for Social Equality (IYSSE): “Stop the crackdown on anti-government protesters! Free all political prisoners! The newly installed “interim” government of President Ranil Wickremesinghe launched a brutal assault on students and […]]]>

The Socialist Equality Party (Sri Lanka) has received many comments supporting the online meeting it is organizing this Sunday with the International Youth and Students for Social Equality (IYSSE): “Stop the crackdown on anti-government protesters! Free all political prisoners!

The newly installed “interim” government of President Ranil Wickremesinghe launched a brutal assault on students and activists during mass anti-government protests that rocked the island from late March to mid-July and ousted Gotabaya Rajapakse from power.

Security forces savagely attacked protesters and made mass arrests under the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act. More than a thousand detainees are still held in mass internment camps.

State repression aims to intimidate the working class as the government implements a program of brutal austerity measures dictated by the IMF. Sunday’s meeting is part of the SEP’s struggle to mobilize the working class as an independent political force, rallying the rural masses behind it, to defend democratic rights, oppose austerity and, through building of a network of workplace and neighborhood committees, for the basis of the establishment of workers’ power.

The political program put forward by the SEP and the IYSSE won wide support.

Thushini Kodagoda, undergraduate student at the Faculty of Technology of the University of Colombo said, “I cannot accept this kind of brutality from any government. Masses of people have participated in recent struggles for real reasons. Soaring fuel and food prices and shortages have really affected their lives. That’s why we took to the streets. Now the government is arresting people who have very reasonably raised the issues they are facing.

“Through this brutality, this escalation of state repression, the government is imposing the burdens of the IMF on the people. They want to be able to put any burden on our backs. Why should we accept this?

“I agree with your view,” Thushini continued, “that the working class should be independent of the old unions and form its own organizations of genuine struggle. But I doubt that the working class has the knowledge required for such a task.

After SEP supporters campaigning for the meeting explained that a revolutionary party must be built to politically arm the masses of workers who are now coming into struggle with an internationalist program and strategy, she enjoyed the upcoming SEP meeting and said she wanted to participate.

Artists speak out against political repression in Sri Lanka [Photo: WSWS]

Lohan Gunaweera, a visual artist and performer and the translator said: “It is difficult to find anyone who has not participated in one way or another in the struggles against the Rajapakse government. Therefore, government repression targeting participants in this struggle is a broader attack and threat to all working and oppressed people.

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History tells us not to be surprised to see the GOP attacking business https://premudraja.net/history-tells-us-not-to-be-surprised-to-see-the-gop-attacking-business/ Thu, 22 Sep 2022 10:03:44 +0000 https://premudraja.net/history-tells-us-not-to-be-surprised-to-see-the-gop-attacking-business/ A dystopian novelist might have imagined a governor attacking his own state’s most famous corporation, but what novelist would have made that governor a Republican? And yet it was the Republican Governor of Florida, Ron DeSantis, who launched a war against Disney. Since he began speaking out against the company last year, Disney shares have […]]]>

A dystopian novelist might have imagined a governor attacking his own state’s most famous corporation, but what novelist would have made that governor a Republican? And yet it was the Republican Governor of Florida, Ron DeSantis, who launched a war against Disney. Since he began speaking out against the company last year, Disney shares have taken a nosedive and other companies in Florida are scared. This is just one example of Republican politicians recently threatening big business, including Coca-Cola and Microsoft and, now, the US Chamber of Commerce. Republican voters, too, suddenly sound like Bernie Sanders leftists, complaining about big business power.

Is this the party that once thought corporations were people?

In truth, Republicans’ love affair with corporations has always been more situational and malleable than meets the eye. Rather than consistently being the party of business, GOP support for policies favored by the business lobby has fluctuated depending on where Republican politicians have felt their base. The GOP cares much more about currying favor with Republican voters than corporations, and we are seriously misjudging the historic moment if we overstate the power of corporations and the wealthy in American politics.

At the very beginning, Republicans were egalitarians. In 1858, it was James Henry Hammond, a South Carolina Democrat, who argued that “in all social systems there must be a class to do the menial tasks, to do the drudgery of life.” Hammond called this class “the very mud threshold of society”, likening it to the base on which a building is built. That summed up the thinking of many Democrats at the time. In contrast, the vision of the new Republican Party that appealed to people like Abraham Lincoln advocated economic mobility for anyone who could work hard (or at least any white man).

But instead of sticking to that vision and expanding it to be more inclusive after the Civil War, Republicans succumbed to an implacable historical logic. Because they were the party against slavery, that made the GOP the party of the North, and if it was the party of the North, then Republicans had to protect the interests of northern constituencies.

After the Civil War, this meant protecting the northern economy, based on manufacturing and business, from the southern economy, based on agriculture. This prompted the GOP to support a high protective tariff, among other policies, to protect business interests at the expense of farmers and workers. During the Progressive era, the party fractured into a wing led by Theodore Roosevelt, which favored an expansive role for government, and a conservative wing, which opposed policies that would have helped realize the first vision. GOP egalitarianism, such as regulating industry companies and limiting work hours.

At times, Republicans in the Midwest sided with Democrats, leading to, among other results, the passage of the progressive income tax.

But one faction of the Republican Party was increasingly siding with business and developing a free-market vision at odds with Lincoln-style egalitarianism. Roosevelt’s defeat by William Howard Taft at the 1912 Republican National Convention marked the rise of the free market view within the party.

This view, however, was not so popular with voters, and Republicans’ move to the right created wide open space for Democrats. In the 1930s and 1940s, Franklin D. Roosevelt seized this space so decisively – regulating businesses, expanding agricultural assistance, implementing social programs for the unemployed and the elderly, even winning the black voters who had been loyal to Lincoln’s party since the Civil War — that Republicans were locked out of congressional scrutiny for decades.

Now that the Democrats have taken over the issue of government spending, Republicans have wandered in the wilderness for 40 years, trying one trick after another to win back voters and solve their “minority problem.” Anticommunism? A better political organization? A charismatic leader? Or double down on pro-business policies and rhetoric? Different factions suggested different solutions, and the split between the pro-business faction and the moderate faction widened, with Dwight D. Eisenhower succeeding in keeping control of the moderates in the 1950s. The pro-business wing did not never disappeared, but she was ostracized.

It wasn’t until the late 1970s that the fortunes of the pro-business faction revived, when inflation made tax cuts far more attractive to the public than they had been. never been before. The party found that for once, the most market-friendly faction of the party had become eligible. But this was not a move for business or by business. In fact, President Ronald Reagan had to convince big business to support his massive tax cuts of 1981. Business leaders, like many people, feared the deficits that the big tax cuts would cause.

But Reagan knew which lines of his speeches received the most applause. He could sense where the political energy was, and it didn’t take much for a group of Republicans to convince him that deep tax cuts should be the centerpiece of his platform. He wasn’t doing it to please the wealthy – it’s almost forgotten now that cutting the top tax rate was a proposal put forward by the Democrats, not the Republicans. Reagan’s tax cuts were populist, not plutocratic. Reagan and his aides in Congress eventually added corporate tax cuts to the bill as a way to engage business lobbies; but then, when the deficit exploded, they backtracked and clawed back a lot of those corporate tax cuts.

In the 2000s, President George W. Bush – who had watched his father lose re-election after agreeing to a tax hike – also supported tax cuts. Bush’s tax cuts were geared more toward the wealthy and corporations, and he also pursued other pro-business policies, including regulatory changes that cemented the GOP’s image as a business party.

Yet this image has always obscured the reality – Bush’s tax cuts were popular with voters of all stripes. In fact, partly because of these tax cuts, Bush emerged in well-known analysis as the president whose policies best matched the preferences of the public, including the preferences of the poor. Like Reagan, Bush adopted policies popular with the Republican base. Indeed, when Bush accepted a bipartisan immigration bill that business favored but the right hated, it was business that lost.

President Donald Trump’s flagship political achievement was also a tax cut for corporations and the wealthy — the clearest victory for corporations in the past decades of Republican control. But for the first time, the Republican base was unconvinced of the tax cuts. In fact, Republicans have pursued tax cuts so vigorously for four decades that the issue has lost steam even with Republican voters. Taxes are much lower than they were in the 1970s or 1980s – especially for taxpayers in the bottom 80% of the income distribution – making it hard to get voters excited about high taxes . Trump’s tax cut was an exhausted last gasp, implemented because nothing else could unify Republicans enough to pass Congress.

Seeing recent Republican history through the lens of populism — rather than Republican corporate loyalty — helps to understand where things are headed. The issue that has united the Republican coalition for decades, tax cuts, has lost its potency, sending Republicans searching for new issues with which to energize their base. They even resorted to actively courting their most extreme supporters for electoral purposes.

That’s why it should come as no surprise that Republicans are suddenly attacking “woke” businesses. The core of the Republican resurgence of the past few decades is not about corporate or wealthy power, it is about finding and mobilizing grassroots energy. Corporations aren’t behind opposing critical race theory, and the wealthy don’t have a consistent position on school closures, vaccinations, or transgender politics. Corporations don’t control and never really have.

Does this mean that a bipartisan approach to curbing corporations might be possible? If Republican voters and politicians turn against the corporations, for whatever reason, could a Ron [DeSantis] and Bernie [Sanders] coalition possible?

Probably not. There is still a healthy libertarian wing of the Republican Party, and theatrical attacks on companies that take liberal cultural positions are different from fundamental changes in public policy. But the parties have changed before, and they could change again.

As Republicans increasingly become the party of the white working class, it’s not impossible to think that a Republican politician who combines “anti-revival” gestures with substantive policies to improve the lives of the working class could electrify voters. Stranger things have happened in American history.

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Andor Episodes 1-3 Review: Seductive Spying and Working-Class Vibe https://premudraja.net/andor-episodes-1-3-review-seductive-spying-and-working-class-vibe/ Tue, 20 Sep 2022 16:22:31 +0000 https://premudraja.net/andor-episodes-1-3-review-seductive-spying-and-working-class-vibe/ There’s a new story in the world of Star Wars, and with Andor’s release date fast approaching, we’ve got the lowdown on the first three episodes which will all drop on the Disney Plus streaming service in a big pack. While the three-part opener to the Star Wars series may be a bit too mysterious […]]]>

There’s a new story in the world of Star Wars, and with Andor’s release date fast approaching, we’ve got the lowdown on the first three episodes which will all drop on the Disney Plus streaming service in a big pack. While the three-part opener to the Star Wars series may be a bit too mysterious for its own good, it does offer a tantalizing perspective for what’s to come.

Andor follows his titular Star Wars character, Cassian Andor, who you might remember from the Star Wars spin-off movie Rogue One. The TV series takes us back to a time before Andor met Jyn Erso, in her early days of rebellion, but the show’s first three episodes still deliver plenty of espionage and galactic conflict, albeit on a smaller scale.

The sci-fi series is a far cry from your usual Star Wars fodder, with flying spaceships and laser swords paving the way for a greater focus on action on the ground and working-class life in a city. industrial. Andor is different, but different is sometimes good.

The first ten minutes of Episode 1 of Andor make for fantastic viewing, with neon-soaked Blade Runner-like visuals and a tense sequence of events that should really set the tone for what’s to come. Sadly, nothing in the next 90 minutes across all three episodes lives up to this scene.

One of the greatest elements of Star Wars throughout the ages has always been the sci-fi movie franchise’s ability to transport us to other worlds with flawless set design. That’s something that was somewhat lost with the introduction of The Volume technology for small-screen releases from a galaxy far, far away.

Exciting things: The best thrillers

Much like the excessive use of CGI in previous movies from the 2000s, it seems the creators behind Star Wars were too excited to use their new toy for the various Disney Plus series. While The Volume is undoubtedly an impressive filmmaking tool, the decision to ditch it in favor of more authentic settings for Andor is certainly the right one.

On a technical level, a very special mention must go to Nicholas Britell, whose music for Andor goes much further than it has the right to. The man behind the music for Succession and many dramatic films brings his compositional genius to the world of sci-fi, and it works wonders.

From intense, explosive action sequences to smoother, more melodic music, Britell hits the right note every time and its score stands out as one of the most impressive facets of each episode. so far.

As for the actual story at the heart of the series, there’s very little to chew on even after three episodes. There are hints of the various threads that are sure to converge and explode as the series progresses, but in the early stages of this first season, the narrative simply unfolds.

Is this real life? The best fantasy movies

Andor draws on classic spy film elements, with themes of conspiracy and cover-up central to the narrative. By the end of Episode 3, you’re really starting to feel that rebellious side to the story, and the promise of an uprising against the empire is starting to dawn on you.

There’s an epic siege scene in this third episode that will hopefully be the spark that will light up the rest of the series to follow. While it’s nice to see Star Wars play out more subtle things sometimes, we all want to see explosions and firefights, and this particular moment certainly does.

In the trenches: The best war movies

Throughout the episodes, there are fascinating allusions to the concept of radicalism, a sense of duty, and how class division can quickly turn into all-out war. You can really feel the friction between those who get their hands dirty on construction sites and those who watch from their positions of power.

The character of Syril Karn (Kyle Soller) plays it perfectly, as the latest in a long line of Star Wars villains who seems much more comfortable ruling from the safety of an office than fighting the battles in First line. It’s definitely going to be intriguing to see where this character goes, but we’re sure he’ll double down and become the kind of villain you love to hate.

Stellan Skarsgård and Diego Luna in Andor

Speaking of the working-class vibe, this latest Star Wars cast is packed with excellent British talent that imbues the show with a gritty, grounded feel. Fiona Shaw delivers a solid performance in one of the show’s most emotional moments so far, while Eastenders alum Alex Ferns, who recently appeared in the latest Batman film, is a fierce presence in as an imperial officer.

Oddly enough, there’s very little to say about the main character at this point. With lots of world-building and slow-burning storytelling, Diego Luna hasn’t really had a chance to break into the show, but there’s plenty of time for it as the plot thickens.

From deep space: The best alien movies

In the end, it’s clear to see why Disney decided to cut three episodes all at once. It might be a curse of the streaming era, but we’d rather get a sense of where the show is headed after three episodes.

That’s not to say that what’s been given to us so far isn’t entertaining enough, and Andor has certainly piqued our curiosity, but hopefully things start moving a little faster from here on out.

If you want more intergalactic action, here are all the ways to watch Star Wars in order. Or for some small-screen fun, check out our guide to The Mandalorian season 3 release date.

Review of episodes 1 to 3 of Star Wars: Andor

A slow-burning spy story and brutalist visuals combine to make Andor’s first three episodes a mysterious diversion from the usual Star Wars journey.

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What Texas Publishers Are Saying | https://premudraja.net/what-texas-publishers-are-saying/ Sun, 18 Sep 2022 17:55:00 +0000 https://premudraja.net/what-texas-publishers-are-saying/ Community colleges The Dallas Morning News Higher education has often not kept pace with real workplace demands or instituted accountability measures to ensure that students obtain credentials or skills that can make them employable. As the price of higher education continues to soar, institutions from community colleges to four-year colleges and universities face increasing pressure […]]]>

Community colleges

The Dallas Morning News

Higher education has often not kept pace with real workplace demands or instituted accountability measures to ensure that students obtain credentials or skills that can make them employable. As the price of higher education continues to soar, institutions from community colleges to four-year colleges and universities face increasing pressure to demonstrate their worth.

We are pleased that the Texas Commission on Community College Funding, a group established during the last legislature, is seeking to apply ROI analysis to community colleges in the state. In its recently released draft recommendations, the group of college officials, business leaders and lawmakers calls for a significant overhaul of community college funding, including tying a portion of state dollars to two-year institutions. graduation rates or enrollment of their students in four-year universities.

This great idea comes at a time when the state and students want to get the most bang for their buck when it comes to education, whether it’s a four-year degree or specialized college training. community that can create job opportunities. The details are not yet finalized, but we insist that the proposed funding formulas and accountability measures also take into account the fact that not all students intend to obtain a degree or take four years.

That said, tying some state funding to graduation rates and other metrics is a critical step toward revamping community colleges to be more responsive and relevant. Prioritizing marketable skills and pathways to a four-year college incentivizes community colleges to provide the training or credentials students will need to get high-paying, high-demand jobs. And it could pay off in stronger local communities and economies.

This new emphasis is important because community colleges account for more than 40 percent of higher education enrollment in Texas and are an especially important educational pathway for first-generation college students, minority students, and full-time workers seeking to acquire skills.

State legislators must support this effort, and this should be an impetus to demand excellence. State funding offsets less than 25% of community college costs. Local property taxes, tuition, and fees provide the bulk of funding for community colleges. The state should increase its share of the burden, while ensuring that taxpayers get what we pay for. After all, Texas benefits from a prepared workforce.

We also see this as an opportunity to strengthen the Texas Educational Opportunity Grant program, the state’s leading need-based aid program for community college students.

Only about 28% of eligible students obtain these scholarships, although many more are eligible for state financial aid, a chasm that increases the likelihood that students will not enroll, complete their studies and even go into debt to pay for tuition. The state must seize this opportunity to make community colleges a better deal for students and all Texans.

Student Loan Forgiveness

Houston Chronicle

When Hadassah Morales heard the news that her entire $14,000 student debt could be forgiven through President Joe Biden’s student debt relief plan, she saw it as a blessing. Not only for her but also for her mother.

“She chose to sacrifice her desire to continue her education so that I could get mine,” Morales told KPRC2. “When I graduated and couldn’t find a job to help pay off that loan, she struggled and paid something with every paycheck.”

Morales is one of more than 40 million Americans estimated to be eligible for some kind of assistance under Biden’s plan.

But reactions have been mixed, among the public, among members of this editorial board and, predictably, among lawmakers and leaders as well.

Governor Greg Abbott recently joined in the strong criticism of the program announced in August. Along with 21 other Republican governors, Abbott wrote to Biden that student debt relief shifts “the burden of debt from the wealthy to working Americans” and that it “has a regressive impact that harms low-income families.” “.

This has been one of the strongest criticisms so far: that student debt cancellation is just a gift to the rich.

Immediately after the announcement, U.S. Senator Ted Cruz claimed the targeted policy would benefit “lazy baristas who wasted seven years in college studying completely useless things” and who “now have loans and can’t find of work”.

Now the governors are repeating those claims and raising a number of other objections to the plan, including how it could contribute to inflation, raise tuition fees or further incentivize loans that have caused trouble for so many Americans. There have also been concerns about the legality of the plan which relies on the president’s powers in an emergency.

There has been disagreement among economists over the plan’s impacts on inflation, but it seems likely that any rise in inflation due to the pardon would be offset by restarting payments, creating what the chief economist of Moody’s Analytics Mark Zandi told CNN was “largely a washout.”

In the meantime, we share concerns about rising tuition fees. Debt relief is retroactive and does not resolve the situation that has driven so many people into debt. We want to see real steps in this direction.

This leaves concerns as to who benefits. “Put simply, your plan rewards the rich and punishes the poor,” the governors wrote in their letter.

Is it an inverted Robin Hood? No, say most estimates and experts.

The plan is a “big positive deal for probably nearly 40 million Americans, mostly low- and middle-income, but [a] little negative deal for all American taxpayers,” Moody’s Analytics chief economist Mark Zandi{/span} told CNN {span}.

The Biden initiative is multi-pronged, but the actual loan forgiveness, which would clear up to $10,000 or $20,000 for Pell grant recipients, is structured in a way that will primarily benefit lower class households and averages.

“Biden’s plan income caps make borrowers with incomes well above the median eligible for relief. But that doesn’t make it a bailout of the rich,” according to PolitiFact.

The upper income ceiling for eligibility seems quite high at $125,000 per individual or $250,000 per household, but the bulk of the debt relief would go to households well below that bar. According to an analysis by the Wharton School at the University of Pennsylvania, about 75% of the benefits would go to households earning $88,000 or less per year. These are households, not individuals. Almost 40% of the benefits would go only to households earning less than $51,000, well below the national median household income of nearly $70,000 in 2019.

The additional relief for Pell Grant recipients, in particular, helps ensure that the policy does not do what the Governors letter suggests, giving even more relief to students from low-income families. Using only borrowers’ income as an eligibility criterion ignores the great diversity of family wealth. The same debt figure can have very different impacts on people whose family networks are not as affluent. “The Pell Grant adjustment is much more geared toward lower-income student borrowers,” Penn Wharton faculty director Kent Smetters told CNN.

The adjustment also recognizes that the lifeline that Pell Grants once were for low-income students hoping to go to college has diminished. States have cut funding for higher education over the years – a far cry from the era of super-cheap tuition backed by land-grant institutions. Where grants once covered up to 80% of the typical four-year public curriculum, today it’s more like a third. And what filled the gaps for many of these low-income students? Loans.

“It’s simply impossible for students to navigate their way through college the way previous generations could,” Harvard University economist Susan Dynarski wrote in The New York Times, detailing how the costs of higher education have increasingly shifted from taxpayers to single families, a trend that has caused her to change her mind about tuition waiver programs she once frowned upon.

There are no hard numbers yet on how many of the amorphously defined working class could benefit from the program, but it’s worth noting that even professions that don’t require a four-year degree can still follow. training and credits. According to the Brookings Institution, 15% of the overall student debt burden in 2019 fell on people without a four-year degree. And overall, a third of people with debt don’t have a bachelor’s degree and while their overall share of debt might seem lower, the default rate among people with debt but no four-year degree is three times higher than of their graduate peers.

Debt impacts almost every other major financial decision, and surveys have found that student debt relief could encourage more consumer spending, more families with children and, according to a 2021 survey by Brookings Institution, more savings for emergencies, especially for low-income families. .

Here in Texas, we have a lot.

Biden’s plan does not represent a long-term solution. In fact, it shouldn’t. Because Biden used emergency powers to justify the program, it must be limited to emergency circumstances.

“Emergency powers are not meant to solve long-standing problems, no matter how serious. Nor are they meant to provide long-term solutions,” wrote Elizabeth Goitein, senior director of the Freedom and national security at the Brennan Center for Justice, in the Washington Post.

While Biden’s plan would help millions, we’d like to see some of those long-term solutions. And we won’t get there with leaders twisting the realities of student debt.

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‘We had to leave home for a better future’: Kate Beaton on the brutal, drug-filled reality of life in an oil camp | Books https://premudraja.net/we-had-to-leave-home-for-a-better-future-kate-beaton-on-the-brutal-drug-filled-reality-of-life-in-an-oil-camp-books/ Thu, 15 Sep 2022 16:36:00 +0000 https://premudraja.net/we-had-to-leave-home-for-a-better-future-kate-beaton-on-the-brutal-drug-filled-reality-of-life-in-an-oil-camp-books/ In April 2008, an international media storm erupted following the death of 1,600 ducks in a toxic pond in Alberta, western Canada. Kate Beaton remembers it well, because she was working there at the time. “All of a sudden the whole world turned their heads and they were like, ‘What’s going on over there? That […]]]>

In April 2008, an international media storm erupted following the death of 1,600 ducks in a toxic pond in Alberta, western Canada. Kate Beaton remembers it well, because she was working there at the time. “All of a sudden the whole world turned their heads and they were like, ‘What’s going on over there? That doesn’t look good to me. Because of the ducks. And I was like, ‘This is terrible for the ducks, but I see people around me failing. I see a lot more of that happening too, and nobody seems to care. What about the workers? What about cancer rates in Indigenous communities?”

A decade and a half later, Beaton piled his memories of life in a camp in Alberta — built to exploit one of the largest oil fields in the world — into a voluminous, unrestricted graphic novel memoir titled Ducks: Two. Years on the oil sands. She was 21 and had just completed a degree in history and anthropology when she left her home on an island off the easternmost tip of Canada for work more than 2,000 miles away.

As a child of a working-class family who didn’t want to be a teacher, she saw no other way to pay off her student debt. “The only message we received about a better future was that we had to leave home to have one,” she wrote. “We didn’t question it, because it’s the poor region of a poor province and it hasn’t exploded here for generations.”

An illustration from Ducks: Two Years on the Oil Sands by Kate Beaton.

Alberta was the perfect place to find a better life – “it’s booming there…there’s no end to the money,” writes Beaton. She arrived to find herself in an isolated camp, handing out tools in a warehouse 12 hours a day to men brutalized by spending endless months cut off from their homes and families. “They call them shadow populations. You are not part of any community. You come and go,” she says.

As she made a name for herself as an award-winning cartoonist in Canada and the United States, the story still haunted her. Gradually, Beaton started posting scenes on his website, to see if anyone was interested. They were, but only now has she had the time and energy to put them together in a book.

“I had many interruptions in my life along the way,” she says. “My sister was diagnosed with cancer and we lost her in 2018. And then I had two kids. If I had done it at another time, I think I would have finished it faster. But that’s life for you.

It’s 8 a.m. in Nova Scotia as we speak, and Beaton’s eldest child is racing around in her pajamas, trying to escape her father. “Potty training: it’s a land of tears and devastation,” says Beaton, now 39, rolling her eyes.

Ducks is his first feature film. It has nothing to do with the creepy comics that made its name, bringing together unlikely historical figures – Richard II, Isambard Kingdom Brunel and Ada Lovelace, perhaps, or Isaac Newton, Harvey Milk and the former Prime Minister Australian Gough Whitlam – although there is an ironic intertextuality as you see her drawing the first of these Hark! A drifter strips naked late at night in her room at camp or gets scolded for sneaking scans from the site’s photocopier.

The book tells a dark story in monochrome, its chronological sections of tightly framed memoirs separated by generous swathes of the landscape in which it was set. It’s tortured terrain, marked by the tracks of monstrous diggers, belching smoke from huge chimneys, but it’s also a place of starry skies, with occasional dreamy glimpses of the Northern Lights.

In 2016, this landscape sparked another story when massive wildfires shut down the city of Fort McMurray, which served the camps, highlighting a bigger problem of environmental degradation to which the oil fields contribute. But Beaton focuses on the two years she spent there, when her mettle was tested to and beyond her limits by the more local threat of social and behavioral breakdown, which brought her into many difficult situations.

One of a handful of women in a camp full of men, she was constantly threatened with sexual assault. She does not want to reveal the details. “I was always afraid, coming out with this book, that this would be what people would remember the most, and then what it would boil down to, because that’s what happens to women’s stories. Only then do they become “awesome,” she says. “But I also hope to develop empathy and fear; I want them to care that my character is in a dangerous place and be as scared for her as I was at the time. If the readers know, from the start, what is going to happen, it deprives him of this power.

Suffice it to say, she was an innocent overseas, completely unequipped to deal with the problems of life in a camp, unaware that many of her colleagues were numbing themselves with every drug they could put on. the hand. Looking back, she protects them. There’s a backlash of class anger in the book – about the media trying to monster these blue-collar workers for the entertainment of well-heeled readers, whose wealth saves them from having to brave such hells.

“I feel like when you talk about drug use and stuff, people lack sympathy, because they’re making a lot of money, and it feels like it’s bad choice: you did this to yourself.” said Beaton. “But it’s a trap they’re falling into.”

Among those who fell was his boss, Ryan – a young father and “one of the good guys” – who became increasingly erratic at work before one day disappearing without a trace. She caught up with him years later via Facebook and checked him out for memoirs. “Yes, there were pamphlets advertising a helpline but they were worthless. These people were not trained to deal with the reality of people in crisis. And there were a lot of people in crisis,” she says. “Then because of the camp culture, when they leave the job they’re just walked out of your life, which is traumatic in itself, and as soon as they leave the site, the parent companies are cleared of any responsibility.” This is the story of migrant workers all over the world.

An illustration from Ducks: Two Years on the Oil Sands by Kate Beaton.
An illustration from Ducks: Two Years on the Oil Sands by Kate Beaton.

One of the challenges was to portray boredom without becoming boring: she had to find a shape for the story that couldn’t be relationship-oriented, because people were always moving forward. “Boredom is one of the things that eats away at the mental health of people living in the camps,” she says. “You go to work and you do the same thing every day. You live in this small room. If you’re a woman, you can’t use the gym without all the men stuck in the doorway staring at you.

His first one-year contract predated social media and there was no working internet. Surprisingly, she returned for a second stint in a different camp, this time in administration, after working for a year at a maritime museum in Victoria, but by then things had changed. “I came out of a place where I felt completely isolated and couldn’t write. I went back to the one that had a good internet connection in your room at night, so I was doing my comic online. It was something that gave me joy and made me feel like myself, when sometimes you didn’t feel like yourself at work, because people reduced you to everything they saw in front of them.

His time at the museum gave him the idea to create historical vignettes of Hark! A Vagrant, and the leisure to set up its own rudimentary website to display them. Soon after, they started selling, as they have since. It’s an unusual achievement, in a world of comics where most authors depend on other sources of income. That’s one of the reasons why there are so few comics about blue-collar life, she suggests.

“I’m an anomaly and I owe a lot to when I started,” she says. “The internet was still small enough that people were going to people’s websites to read stuff, which they don’t do anymore. They were looking for new voices in comics. I called myself a new voice, because that I was doing this kind of esoteric stuff in niche comics, but they were broad enough for people to respond to. I struck a chord.”

She moved to New York, found an agent and joined a collective of women designers, Pizza Island. “We all happened to be women, but people were like, ‘Wow, women doing comics in a room.’ And for some reason that also touched a nerve. There was a vision of us as something more than a bunch of people with our headphones on. We even had someone ask us if they could do a reality show about us.

But after several years of paying too much rent and having her bike stolen, she decided to return to Canada, first to Toronto, then to her family in Nova Scotia, where – thanks to the Internet – no one no longer need to leave. make a life. She’s since branched out into children’s picture books, bringing her quirky humor to stories of an ambitious princess and her unfortunate farting pony and a spoiled baby who behaves like a king. Their bright colors are a million miles from the dark hues of the Ducks, the story she had to tell. She has daily WhatsApp conversations with the Pizza Island gang. Motherhood is what they talk about the most now, she says. “I’ll probably complain about potty training later today.”

Ducks: two years in the oil sands by Kate Beaton is published by Jonathan Cape (£25). To support the Guardian and the Observer, order your copy from guardianbookshop.com. Delivery charges may apply

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Sydney’s best performing working-class suburbs https://premudraja.net/sydneys-best-performing-working-class-suburbs/ Wed, 14 Sep 2022 02:00:20 +0000 https://premudraja.net/sydneys-best-performing-working-class-suburbs/ A report from a leading Sydney mortgage broker has revealed the five best performing suburbs in Sydney’s lowest price bracket. The Shore Financial State of Sydney report examines data from over 600 Sydney suburbs to rank those with the highest annual growth in five quintiles based on price which it defines as follows: working-class Sydney, […]]]>

A report from a leading Sydney mortgage broker has revealed the five best performing suburbs in Sydney’s lowest price bracket.

The Shore Financial State of Sydney report examines data from over 600 Sydney suburbs to rank those with the highest annual growth in five quintiles based on price which it defines as follows: working-class Sydney, suburban Sydney, Rising Sydney, Sydney Professional and Elite. Sidney.

The data showed there were a handful of suburbs in the most affordable price bracket called “working class,” where prices had jumped as much as 20% over the year despite a market downturn.

MORE: Do It Now: Key Signs Motivating Homebuyers

$1.5m profit: NSW’s best suburbs to own a home

All of the suburbs in this price range were in Sydney’s outer belt.

It comes as data from PropTrack reveals property prices have fallen 4.8% in Sydney in the space of six months.

Oakhurst in Sydney’s west took first place with a median house price of $840,000, while Prestons and Liverpool in the south west came second and third with medians of $990,000 and $960,000 respectively.

All three suburbs have seen price growth of 20% since August last year.

Minto and St Helen’s Park in the South West complete the list, with medians of $862,000 and $778,000 respectively, after growth of 19.7%.

Suburbans to feature in the next price bracket, or “Suburban Sydney” quintile, included Fairfield West ($965,000), North Rocks ($1,760,000) and Guildford West ($950,000), with values ​​up by 18.8 to 19.1%.

Kirrawee in the Sutherland Shire took the top spot in the ‘Rising Sydney’ quintile as the median house price rose 19.5% to $1,565,000.

Bangor ($1,500,000) and Erskinville ($1,780,000) were close behind after posting price growth of 18.8% and 18.7% respectively.

Shore Financial CEO Theo Chambers said the results showed how much the Sydney property market had changed since March, when the half-yearly report was last published.

“At the time, the average annual growth in prices for the most notable suburbs was an astonishing

49.2%. Now it’s 18.6% for the suburbs in our report,” Mr Chambers said.

“It shows you that the market has cooled considerably.”

“At the moment, prices are falling in many Sydney suburbs, but they are still holding up well in the 25 suburbs in our report.”

He said low inventory levels in many suburbs meant there were fewer “quality” properties to choose from, creating fierce competition between buyers.

He said while prices would likely continue to fall in Sydney, the downturn could end sooner than expected.

“If you’re a buyer, conditions are more favorable than at the start of the year,” he said.

“But if you’re waiting for prices to return to pre-pandemic levels, I’d say that’s wishful thinking.”

“I suspect this correction will end long before we get to that point, and further growth

the cycle will then begin.

Top 5 suburbs for Working Class Sydney (quintile 1)

(Suburbs: median price in August 2022 and annual growth)

1 Oakhurst $840,000 20.0%

2 Preston $990,000 20.0%

3 Liverpool $960,000 20.0%

4 Minto $862,000 19.7%

5 St. Helens Park $778,000 19.7%

Top 5 suburbs for Suburban Sydney (quintile 2)

(Suburbs: median price in August 2022 and annual growth)

1 Fairfield West $965,000 19.1%

2 northern rocks $1,760,000 18.9%

3 West Guildford $950,000 18.8%

4 Chester Hill $1,050,000 18.5%

5 Condell Park $1,250,000 17.9%

Top 5 suburbs for Rising Sydney (quintile 3)

(Suburbs: median price in August 2022 and annual growth)

1 Kirrawee $1,565,000 19.5%

2 Bangor $1,500,000 18.8%

3 Erskineville $1,780,000 18.7%

4 Log cabin $2,100,000 17.3%

5 Penshurst $1,700,000 17.2%

Top 5 suburbs for Professional Sydney (quintile 4)

(Suburbs: median price in August 2022 and annual growth)

1 Elanora Heights $2,600,000 18.2%

2 Marrickville $1,920,000 18.1%

3 North Epping $2,135,000 18.0%

4 Dulwich Hill $2,075,000 17.9%

5 Avalon Beach $2,850,000 17.5%

Top 5 suburbs for Elite Sydney (quintile 5)

(Suburbs: median price in August 2022 and annual growth)

1 French Forest $2,205,000 19.2%

2 Lindfield $3,600,000 18.8%

3 Paddington 3 $150,000 18.0%

4 Concorde $2,900,000 17.2%

Anse 5 lanes $2,700,000 16.9%

(Source: Shore Financial State of Sydney report, September 2022)

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Originally published as Sydney’s best performing ‘working class’ suburb

Read related topics:sydney
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Latino Voters Could Be Crucial in Colorado’s Biggest Races, and Campaigns Know It https://premudraja.net/latino-voters-could-be-crucial-in-colorados-biggest-races-and-campaigns-know-it/ Mon, 12 Sep 2022 10:04:39 +0000 https://premudraja.net/latino-voters-could-be-crucial-in-colorados-biggest-races-and-campaigns-know-it/ In one house, a petite, tattooed brunette who answered the door cut her spiel off with a question, “What party is she at?” “She’s a Republican,” Torrez replied. “She’ll get my vote and you probably don’t need to say anything else,” the woman said. “I’m not a fan of the Democratic Party right now.” It’s […]]]>

In one house, a petite, tattooed brunette who answered the door cut her spiel off with a question, “What party is she at?” “She’s a Republican,” Torrez replied.

“She’ll get my vote and you probably don’t need to say anything else,” the woman said. “I’m not a fan of the Democratic Party right now.”

It’s not always that easy. Most people were polite, but non-committal. Election day is still two months away and most voters who have answered their doors are not paying too much attention yet.

But that doesn’t stop parties – and their affiliated groups – from trying to influence this central electoral bloc.

Torrez is with Libre Initiative Action, a Hispanic outreach group supported by American conservatives funded by the Koch Brothers for Prosperity. The group estimates that it has knocked on around 4,000 doors in the eighth arrondissement since August.

Latinos make up 22.3% of Colorado’s population, and voters in this group are far from a monolith. But while Latinos in Colorado have strongly backed Democratic candidates in the past, Libre strategic director Angel Merlos says concerns about inflation and the cost of living give Republicans an opportunity to make inroads. This year.

“They believe if they vote Democrat they think they’ll get the same results. So we see, ‘You know what, I’m going to give the Conservative vote a chance,'” he said.

Melos said he wants Republicans on the far right of the party to tone down their rhetoric on immigration.

The new 8th district, which has a large Latino population, is at the center of a toss-up congressional race

Libre focuses on Thorton because he’s in CO-8, the state’s newest congressional district that’s considered a toss-up. It is also the neighborhood with the most Latinos, with nearly 40% of the population. The Republican National Committee recently opened a Hispanic Community Center here, as part of a nationwide effort to reach out to nonwhite communities.

At the center’s opening, Colorado RNC National Committee member Vera Ortegon told the crowd that when it comes to issues such as border security, crime and the economy, the GOP and the Hispanic population were on the same page.

“I look at Republican Party values, and then I look at Hispanic values ​​and they’re the same,” she said.

Democrats have also been very active in making their case to CO-8 voters. The Colorado Democratic Party opened two field offices in the district and also had volunteers who went door-to-door and worked on the phone, reportedly making more than 10,000 calls to date.

“Latinos will see through the half-hearted efforts of the GOP,” said Nico Delgado, spokesman for the Colorado Democrats. “We will make sure voters know their far-right record in trying to ban abortion, siding with wealthy corporations, and opposing a path to citizenship that hurts all Coloradans. “

Non-partisan efforts are also underway to encourage more District residents to vote, no matter for whom. The Eighth District currently has fewer active registered voters than any other district in Colorado.

Sonny Subia, executive director of the League of United Latin American Citizens in Colorado, is part of that push. He also knocked on doors, registering Latinos to vote. He said all the attention to voters here shows just how important Latinos will be this fall. “Now they are in the game. Their vote really matters.

The race is between Kirkmeyer, a state senator, and Democratic state Rep. Yadira Caraveo, with many analysts giving Kirkmeyer the edge because history and the political climate favor Republicans.

But if Caraveo wins, she would be the first Colorado Latina to make it to Congress. And that possibility excites Thornton Democrat Shantell Hernandez, who moved to the area to rub shoulders with other Latinos.

“It would be a place where we actually have a voice. Many places are truly Caucasian. And there are a lot of places where I don’t see a lot of people who look like me,” she explained. “So I’m really excited that, yes, you have a voice, it’s our own voice.”

Senate race between Michael Bennet and Joe O’Dea also focuses on Latino voters

Congressional District 8 isn’t the only big race where Latino voters could play a pivotal role. In a tight U.S. Senate race, they could also be the key to victory, something both campaigns are clearly aware of.

Caitlyn Kim/CPR News
(L-R) Democratic Senator Michael Bennett, Democratic candidate for H-57 Elizabeth Velasco, and Alex Sanchez with Voces Unidas Action Fund. The group supports both candidates.

“We’re going to have a strong program for television, for radio, for digital,” said Democratic Senator Michael Bennet at an August event with the Voces Unidas Action group in Glenwood Springs. “We are not just starting now. We have had a Latin steering committee for a long time. It helped give us some guidance on what we should be focusing on in the campaign. »

His Republican challenger Joe O’Dea is also reaching out via Spanish ads and social media.

“Joe’s working-class story connects with working Americans, Hispanics and Latinos in particular,” Kyle Kohli, O’Dea’s communications director, said in a statement. “Everyone cares about the grocery bill and the safety of their community. [President Joe] Biden’s policies and Bennet’s rubber stamp crushed workers.

O’Dea said he hoped to get 60% of Latin American votes in the race. This would represent a huge swing in the vote; some reports and exit polls two years ago showed that 70% of Latinos supported Colorado Democratic Senate candidate John Hickenlooper.

Some Latin American Democrats say the party took their community’s support for granted

When it comes to values, Democrats like former state Rep. Bri Buentello say their party has a strong case to make.

“I’m not going to sit here and pretend to speak for all Latinos in Colorado,” she said at a Pueblo cafe. “But I know my grandparents came to this country because they believed in the American dream, in public education, [the idea that] if you work hard you will get ahead, fair pay for a fair day’s work. These are issues that Democrats still champion today.

220909-LATINO VOTER CAMPAIGNSCaitlyn Kim/CPR News
Pueblo community activist Theresa Trujillo said Democrats could do more to encourage Latino voters and candidates of color.

Still, many Latin American Democrats say the party takes community support for granted. Pueblo community activist Theresa Trujillo notes that she hasn’t seen many people of color running or even being encouraged to run for office statewide. All six Democrats running statewide this year are white.

“I think there are many ways that Latinos are not recognized as a force within the Democratic Party and need to be recognized as a force,” she said.

But Sol Sandovol, who ran unsuccessfully for the Democratic congressional nomination in the 3rd District, said she doesn’t think the answer is for Latinos to turn away from the Democratic Party.

“If there’s something we need to change, we need to push it back and change it. The worst thing we can do is leave our party behind.

Cost of living and high gas prices are top concerns for Latinos, polls show

A recent poll of Latino voters by UnidosUS and Mi Familia Vota indicates that when it comes to issues, there is opportunity for both sides to make gains.

The cost of living and high gas prices emerged as the top concern for Latinos in Colorado, with jobs and the economy coming third. Between these was crime, primarily driven by concerns that guns were too readily available and that elected officials must do more to end school shootings. And abortion also made the list for the first time, with 74% of Latino voters saying it should remain legal regardless of their personal beliefs on the issue.

While Republicans have made democratic management of the economy a major campaign issue, support for stricter gun control and access to abortion could send those voters back to Democrats.

Regardless of the results this fall, Beatriz Soto, a Democrat from Glenwood Springs who lost a bid for local office in 2020, is happy to see the parties running for Latinos.

“Democrats and Republicans are really noticing the power of this voting bloc,” she said. “At the end of the day, I think if either party does their job, it just helps our democracy. And I think Latinos will make both parties better at the end of the day.

The ultimate test, however, will be what happens after election day, and whether parties continue their outreach or if they disappear again until the eve of the next election.

CPR’s Bente Birkeland, Will Cornelius and Stephanie Rivera contributed reporting for this story.

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Senate GOP, Democratic candidates use debate issue to pressure opponents https://premudraja.net/senate-gop-democratic-candidates-use-debate-issue-to-pressure-opponents/ Sat, 10 Sep 2022 17:58:19 +0000 https://premudraja.net/senate-gop-democratic-candidates-use-debate-issue-to-pressure-opponents/ In Georgia, the Democratic incumbent kicked off general election season by demanding to appear on stage in three debates against a Republican challenger running his first campaign. In Pennsylvania, another first-time GOP candidate badgered his much more experienced Democratic opponent to accept five massive statewide debates. Then there’s New Hampshire, where the incumbent Democrat has […]]]>

In Georgia, the Democratic incumbent kicked off general election season by demanding to appear on stage in three debates against a Republican challenger running his first campaign.

In Pennsylvania, another first-time GOP candidate badgered his much more experienced Democratic opponent to accept five massive statewide debates. Then there’s New Hampshire, where the incumbent Democrat has already demanded three debates before the state’s GOP voters even had a chance to select their nominee in the race.

The old rules of debates in major Senate races do not apply to this modern era of politics.

Top campaign advisers set aside the principle that an incumbent would rarely agree to more than one or two debates against a challenger. And it used to be that only those who trailed in public and private polls wanted debates, hoping to deliver a memorable joke or other game-changing moment.

Throughout the major Senate races this fall, which will determine who will take charge of the now 50-50 split chamber, campaigns are using the debate over debates as subtext to their overall argument about their opponent’s fitness to run. hold a position.

It also comes as Democrats, even some who are now ahead in their races, are eager to force their GOP challengers onto a stage to face questions from a traditional news anchor. That’s because of the increasingly common strategy of some Republicans to simply avoid most mainstream media interactions in their states.

“The flaws of Republican candidates deserve the attention that a debate brings,” said David Bergstein, the top spokesman for the Democratic Senate Campaign Committee.

But Republicans see their line of attack — demanding time on the debate stage against Democrats, especially John Fetterman — as part of their broader campaign.

“The debate about debates is not really a debate about debates,” said Chris Hartline, the senior spokesman for the Republican National Senate Committee.

Since suffering a massive stroke in May, Fetterman has taken a light-hearted approach to campaigning, spending more than two months almost entirely at his home in western Pennsylvania. His opponent, Mehmet Oz, remained mostly silent as Fetterman tried to recover, but he fell behind as the Democratic campaign unloaded a searing series of ads that far exceeded anything Republicans countered.

Now, Oz is pushing for debates to force Fetterman to both discuss the general state of his health and answer for some of the more liberal stances he’s taken in the past.

“These are debates, including five offered by major media companies. And I think that response reveals one of the reasons,” Oz told Hugh Hewitt on Thursday, after the conservative radio host aired a clip of Fetterman giving an uneven political response to an MSNBC anchor. “He has a hard time talking about politics. Now this is evident before his stroke. It’s not new.

From offering aid to large-scale attacks: Oz goes blitz Fetterman

Fetterman, who admitted he still struggles with some speaking effects of stroke, accused Oz of ‘making fun of a stroke survivor’ and rejected his first debate offer for this month. -this. Instead, he agreed to a single debate, in October, and now the two sides are clashing over which debates and which media outlets should hold.

Hartline thinks that simply discussing the issue of how many debates to have, which is the focus of local media but not GOP publicity, helps Oz blunt Fetterman’s overall image as a big badass. that connects with working-class voters.

“To get there to talk about his ideology on the issues, you have to break his mark. And that’s one way to do it,” Hartline said.

In Georgia, Sen. Raphael G. Warnock (D) tried to work the debate issue to his advantage. Just days after the May primary, he demanded at least three debates with Republican Herschel Walker, a former college football and NFL star who refused to debate his GOP opponents in the primary.

Walker has generally directed his campaign appearances at friendly local audiences and conservative media, producing moments that revealed a lack of understanding about how the federal government works. Appearing before a conservative audience, Walker claimed someone had to be “185” to be a racist.

If they can get him on the debate stage, Democrats suspect Walker would falter and nearly disqualify himself as a Senate candidate in such a critical contest.

“It plays into the larger narrative,” Hartline said, noting the Democrat focused on accusations that Walker is “not up to the task.” It’s basically the entire Warnock campaign.

Walker accepted a debate, but none of the three suggested by Warnock. Now they have a similar feud to the Pennsylvania candidates.

General election debates are usually dry business where the competing camps have spent weeks grooming each candidate on how to avoid falling into political traps and repeating a few zingers they hope the media picks up on. will focus in their post-mortem stories.

But in very close races, small mistakes can prove decisive, or at least turn a campaign the wrong way for a few days. Early October 2016, then senator. Kelly Ayotte (R) told a New Hampshire debate moderator that ‘absolutely’ Donald Trump could be a role model for young children – a comment she has spent weeks trying to explain, especially after revelations according to which the future president had boasted at least once of having sexually abused women.

Ayotte lost her race by around 1,000 votes.

That same year, then-candidate Catherine Cortez Masto (D) delivered a strong performance in the only debate in a race to replace incumbent Senate Minority Leader Harry M. Reid (D-Nev .). His GOP opponent, Joseph J. Heck, stumbled upon trying to explain why he withdrew his endorsement of Trump. Cortez Masto won with just 47% of the vote, as nearly 4% of voters declined to vote for either candidate, many of whom could have been Trump supporters unwilling to back Heck.

Cortez Masto is now demanding that her GOP opponent, Adam Laxalt, accept three debates, perhaps believing she can repeat that performance from six years ago.

Bergstein noted that whether or not candidates like Walker debate their opponents, Democrats have devoted resources to exploiting any appearances Republicans have made in conservative media.

Feeling comfortable in front of friendly audiences, these GOP candidates made statements that are now backfired in the general election — an August DSCC digital ad, against Blake Masters, highlighted comments “ weird” made entirely by the Arizona Republican himself, either on social media or in the appearances.

“Voters are now discovering Republican candidates through paid advertising over a longer period of time. It’s heavily focused on Republican candidates in their own words,” Bergstein said.

Sen. Maggie Hassan (DN.H.) announced Friday, ahead of the state’s GOP primary vote on Tuesday, that she would accept three debates. The favorites are an experienced state legislator who would likely relish the opportunity to be on stage with her three times, and a retired Army brigadier general with virtually no political experience.

Some races have taken a more traditional approach, such as in Washington state, where incumbent 30-year-old Sen. Patty Murray (D) rejected her opponent’s suggestions that they debate four times.

And in Arizona, Masters is calling for more than just the debate Sen. Mark Kelly (D) has accepted so far.

In 2018, when Hartline served as a senior adviser in Florida GOP Gov. Rick Scott’s campaign to unseat Sen. Bill Nelson (D), the incumbent accepted three debates but withdrew from the last two, citing the need to focus on helping the state rebuild after a hurricane.

Scott’s camp assumed Nelson, 76 at the time, just wanted to play it safe and avoid any potential tripping, Hartline said.

Scott won by a tenth of a percentage point, out of more than 8 million total votes. Hartline quoted Scott’s favorite saying when asked if the race result would have been different if Nelson had done two more debates.

“When you win by 10,033 votes,” Hartline said, “everything is why you won or lost.”

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James Frayne: Working-class voters are leaving the Conservatives in droves. Truss has to prove she’s on their side. https://premudraja.net/james-frayne-working-class-voters-are-leaving-the-conservatives-in-droves-truss-has-to-prove-shes-on-their-side/ Tue, 06 Sep 2022 08:30:51 +0000 https://premudraja.net/james-frayne-working-class-voters-are-leaving-the-conservatives-in-droves-truss-has-to-prove-shes-on-their-side/ James Frayne is director of Public First and author of Meet the People, a guide to shifting public opinion. When her political staff is in place, Liz Truss will learn how the Conservatives’ greatest electoral vulnerability lies with poor working-class voters who are leaving the party in droves, fearing they have been let down by […]]]>

James Frayne is director of Public First and author of Meet the People, a guide to shifting public opinion.

When her political staff is in place, Liz Truss will learn how the Conservatives’ greatest electoral vulnerability lies with poor working-class voters who are leaving the party in droves, fearing they have been let down by the rising cost of voting. life. Government survival depends on a massive package of financial support for working-class families, while medium-term success requires a strategy that amplifies the values ​​of fairness and patriotism to show working-class voters that Conservatives are “on your side”.

These are the main recommendations of a comprehensive new policy brief – the “New Majority” – that I have just completed for the Center for Policy Studies. You can read the document here and the full tables for the survey component of the research here. You can also read the preview of the article by Robert Colvile, the director of the CPS, in the Sunday Times here. I’ll expand on the themes in this column’s note in the coming weeks, but I’ll summarize the key points below.

1. The new conservative strategy: “on your side”. Recent political attention has focused on the faltering middle class, Southern Remainers; however, our research shows that the greatest vulnerability lies among the poorest working-class voters. Since 2019, these voters have moved away from the Party in greater numbers – not, generally, to Labor, but to “don’t know”. In this column, I’ve tended to dwell on affluent working-class and lower-middle-class voters (I once wrote about them as “just about management”). However, the Conservative challenge now is different: it is to maintain support for the struggling working class. The guiding philosophy of the Conservatives for the foreseeable future must be to show less affluent voters that the Party is “on your side”.

2. How the Conservatives handle the cost of living crisis will determine whether they stay or go. Overwhelmingly, the most important reason for these voters leaving is the Conservatives’ inability to meet the rising cost of living. They don’t think the Party is on their side; the poll numbers are unambiguous: working-class voters are in dire straits – and getting worse. They feel that the Party has let them down. They are very fearful of what the near future holds for them; many of them simply won’t be able to pay their bills without great help. If the Conservatives do not give them that support, they will not vote for them forever.

3. The aid provided by the Party must mark the beginning of a different economic policy. The government has various options to help less well-off voters through the immediate crisis. Whatever path the government chooses, it is imperative that the Party develops a broader economic policy that appeals to working class voters and demonstrates that it is “on your side”. They should reform the economy so that the system focuses on delivering for ordinary consumers: holding companies that provide public services more strictly accountable; prevent failing big business from paying ridiculous wages and dipping into reserves that need to be protected for workers’ wages and pensions; providing disproportionate support to small businesses; etc

4. Leveling up has an attractive new context in this new strategy. The fact that many working towns are struggling makes the cost of living crisis more serious. It gives poorer voters the impression that everything is falling apart. For this reason, the government should stick to its leveling policy, but focus like a laser on the poorest cities to help them over the next few years. Again, this will show local residents that the Party is “on your side.”

5. Appeal to working-class values ​​of fairness and patriotism. Such an economic policy would work because it responds to the working class obsession with fairness. But there is another value with a very practical application: patriotism. I’m not talking about something aggressive or assertive – which people find bizarre at best and distasteful at worst – but the calm, confident and understated patriotism that David Cameron expressed so well in his early days. Our research has shown that patriotism is the only thing that truly unites the disparate groups within the Conservative coalition – uniting the stayers and the leavers, and distinguishing them from the non-Conservatives. Many of the “cultural” issues are totally lost on most voters, including less affluent Conservative voters. However, they expect and demand a simple and confident patriotism that they do not see in other parties.

6. The coalition will survive intact with a disproportionate focus on working class voters. In our research, we have identified four key groups that make up the New Majority. Very briefly, these are: the less affluent voters of Leave; more affluent and traditional-minded leavers; Remain less rich and in difficulty; and the well-to-do remnants of the classic middle class. Their views diverge on many issues; however, they all accept the need to target cost-of-living policies on the less well-off, and they all favor an approach that would prioritize working-class voters more broadly. Showing that the Party is “on your side” will not fracture the coalition.

7. A principled commitment to lower taxes. It remains to be seen whether the government sees tax cuts as a useful economic tool as they help people through the cost of living crisis. Either way, there is broad support for a tax cut in principle, and the government should make it clear that this is a real aspiration.

For struggling voters, this leadership campaign has gone on too long. They were angered by the government’s silence on the cost of living. Expectations are very high for the government to help on a large scale. We’ll know by Friday whether working-class voters will even give Liz Truss a chance; we will know by the end of the month whether there is a strategy in place to secure working class support in the medium term.

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